19 November 2006
Why
has Mahathir gone radical?
In an article published recently, former editor
of the Far Eastern Economic Review Michael Vatikiotis wonders why a man like former Malaysian prime minister Mahathir Mohamad, “who led his country to such great economic
heights, and in the process established
global stature for himself” tries to tear it all down in retirement?
In fact, such a question has often been posed since the 1997 Asian financial crisis and consequent
developments in Malaysia including
Mahathir’s differences with
his then deputy and favourite
successor Anwar Ibrahim. In
the post- 1997crisis years,
Mahathir has radicalized his rhetoric, sharply
and openly attacking Jews, the Americans,
and Western institutions and
scapegoating them for his country’s problems.
This was in contrast to his long pragmatic policy and realistic
view of the world. But with his departure
from power in October 2003,
such a trend has become stronger, making the architect of Malaysia’s economic miracle and the man once known as the front of all wisdom almost as radical as Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad or Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez.
In recent months, however, Mahathir has turned his cannons at his old
colleagues in the ruling United Malays
National Organization (UMNO), unleashing
almost daily public criticism against Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmed Badawi, accusing him of corruption and nepotism, and
claiming he did not pick him
as his successor.
This, of course, differs from the
case of his old sparring partner in Singapore Lee
Kuan Yew, who has, since his resignation, been playing the role
of father who would arbitrate quarrels rather than create them.
Explaining
Mahathir’s radicalization, some
analysts attributed it to his hunger
for publicity. According to
them, those who have long been in power like Mahathir find it
difficult not to be in the limelight after
they leave power. They, therefore, do anything to attract media
attention including the embracement of ideas or roles that contrast
with their nature and previous political
history.
As far as
Mahathir’s radical rhetoric regarding
his country’s affairs is concerned,
analysts hold that it has something
to do with his successor’s policy. Unlike his expectation that Badawi would
not have the necessary
power, charisma, or determination
to initiate changes, the
latter has proved the
opposite. Badawi launched a
new policy aimed at ridding the
ruling UMNO and public
service of corruption, eradicating corporate cronyism, investigating the Malaysian police’s violation of human rights, and
bringing into government young politicians and successful diplomats. To ensure political stability and national unity, he also
tried to put an end to
divisions caused by the ignominious sacking and jailing of Mahathir’s controversial deputy Anwar Ibrahim, by releasing him. With such
a change, Badawi won a record landslide
victory in the 2004 general election and succeeded in minimizing the power of the opposition Parti Islam SeMalaysia
(PAS).
This new political climate has reportedly irked Mahathir and his
many allies and corporate favour-seekers who found themselves
turned away from the Prime Minister’s Office.
And with Badawi’s recent decision to cancel the construction of a bridge that
would have replaced part of
the causeway between Singapore and Malaysia, a
project that would have benefited many of Mahathir’s cronies, the
gap between former premier and
his hand-picked successor has widened.
Regardless
of reasons behind Mahathir’s
radicalization, his quarrel has not only tainted his image but also raised concerns
overseas about Malaysia’s future. It
has created a state in which
the government lost its focus
and the country seemed to be slipping
out of sight in the region. As put by Vatikiotis, “the entire country comes to a standstill and fear stalks
the land”.
Badawi,
a soft-spoken, gentlemanly
figure who lives by religious values and preaches tolerance, is not expected to fight back or challenge his old boss. He is
likely to compromise at the expense of his reform programme, especially with the fact that
Mahathir still has powerful friends in high places, and that several prominent
figures in UMNO, particularly Deputy
Prime Minister Najib Razak, wish to take the reins of power. It has been said that Razak, the
eldest son of Malaysia’s second prime minister Abdul Razak and nephew of the
third prime minister
Hussein Onn, is favoured by Mahathir’s cronies to replace Badawi. Razak is
ambitious and not easy to be controlled
by others, but like
Mahathir’s allies, he and members of his family are deeply involved in business. Moreover, despite his open support for his boss, there is no love lost between the two
long-time cabinet colleagues
according to UMNO insiders.
Some
observers also argue that Badawi may
call a snap national election
in a bid to consolidate his power before problems further unravel and ahead
of UMNO party elections which are scheduled to be held next
year.
Academic
researcher and lecturer on Asian affairs