Plight of the Arab
Liberal
Barry Rubin
The year 2004 may well
be remembered as the time when the Arab reform movement really established
itself. Although still weak, especially compared to their nationalist and
Islamist rivals, the liberals have definitely established a foothold, developed
their doctrine, and begun to organize.
Whenever I mention the fact that I have just finished writing a comprehensive
book on Arab liberals, someone invariably remarks, "It must be a very
short book." My response is that while there are still relatively few
outspoken reformers, their arguments are fascinating and the debates they have
unleashed tell more about the Arab world than anything before.
Their basic argument is a compelling one. For a half-century, the nationalist
regimes that run the Arab world have been a disaster. In domestic terms, they
have failed thoroughly to advance their societies and economies, which are now
near the bottom of the world in almost every statistical measure. At a time
when democracy is spreading across the globe, they unanimously remain
dictatorships. On foreign policy, they have leaped into a series of costly,
losing wars.
But while the nationalist regimes are bad, the solutions proposed by the main,
Islamist opposition are worse. It has no real answers for those societies'
ailments and intends to impose an even harsher dictatorship. As if this were
not enough, these countries are now the focal point of terrorism. Some states
sponsor terrorism against other countries; some face internal terrorist threats
which liberals attribute to the regimes' shortcomings and their people's
desperate--if misguided--efforts to find some alternative to a thoroughly
unsatisfactory status quo.
Arab liberals have to deal with a wide range of difficult issues. What is their
stance on: the problems of Arab societies, ways to fix them, Islam, the
Consider the Arab-Israeli conflict for example. Generally, liberals view the
regimes' stand on this issue as a rationale for holding onto power, doing
whatever they please, and rejecting any changes. They insist that the conflict
be solved--and say that this would help the cause of democratization in the
Arab world--but also demand that it not be an excuse for postponing reforms.
There are four different arguments Arab liberals make about this issue, often
moving from one to another despite the apparent contradiction of doing so:
--Avoid the question altogether since they know that any moderate statements
would be unpopular.
--Declare that
--Insist that a democratic world would be better able to fight and defeat
--Demand that the
Their difficulties in dealing with Islam and radical Islamist movements show a
parallel pattern. Open secularists are rare. On Islam itself, they sometimes
propose a strategy of reforming it into a more liberal religion or of
reconfirming conservative, traditional Islam as preferable to the new radical
Islamist version.
Similarly, some liberals propose to work with Islamists who also say they want
democratic elections, because they believe they would win them. In this case,
liberals say that having to deal with practical politics or taking power would
push Islamists into being more moderate. Other liberals, however, seek to ally
with the incumbent regimes against Islamist insurgents, trying to convince the
rulers that only democratic reforms can win over the people and ensure that
extremists like Usama bin Ladin
do not take power.
Naturally, the regimes want to defeat this challenge. They employ a number of
methods in doing so. One line of defense is to claim
that their countries are already democracies or are making reforms themselves.
They attempt to coopt the
liberals and even go so far as to create official human rights' groups that
never criticize their own state's behavior.
Another way is to denounce the liberals as traitors, puppets of the West,
agents of the Zionists, and enemies of Islam. They find a harder time
publishing or getting good jobs. The last line of defense
is to discourage activism through a wide range of repressive measures, though
this is sparingly applied since liberals are viewed as far less tough than the
Islamist opposition.
Western, and especially American, support has been important in encouraging the
democratic opposition. Again, opinions are divided. Some liberals openly urge
the West to become involved; others insist that these actions are
counterproductive. Many--perhaps most--of them hope
At any rate, though, it is clear that this liberal, democratic, reformist
movement is here to stay. The battle will be long, difficult, and victory is
not assured. But these groups have already become a major contender in the Arab
world's battle of ideas. Now they hope to become a factor in bringing about
real change as well.